Department of Foreign Languages and Linguistics
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Item The Noun Class System and Agreement in Chindali(1981) Swilla, Imani N.Item The English Language Support Project in Tanzania(1990) Lwaitama, A. F.; Rugemalira, Josephat M.Item The Communication Skills Unit and the Language Problem at the University of Dar Es Salaam(1990) Rugemalira, Josephat M.Item Reflections on Recent Developments in Language Policy in Tanzania(1990) Rugemalira, Josephat M.; Rubagumya, Casmir M.; Kapinga, M. K.; Lwaitama, A. F.; Tetlow, J. G.Item What is a Symmetrical Language? Multiple Object Constructions in Bantu(1991-07) Rugemalira, Josephat M.There exist in Bantu languages constructions with usually two and possibly three postverbal noun phrase arguments. Such constructions are usually called'double object'constructions. Example 1 from Runyambo is typical. 1 omukzizi akasiiga abaana ...Item The Relation of Local and Foreign Languages to National Needs in Africa(Taylor & Francis, 1992) Swilla, Imani N.This paper argues that African countries need both local and foreign languages and that the roles of these languages are complementary. Several African countries have designated African languages as national, official languages and as media of instruction, especially at primary‐school level. The languages of the former coloniser have often been maintained as media of instruction in secondary and post‐secondary education, as official languages, and, in several countries, as national languages as well. An African language, like any other can become official and national, and a medium of instruction; the choice is determined by political and socio‐economic factors.Item Bantu Multiple Object' constructions(Elsevier, 1993) Rugemalira, Josephat M.Les constructions dites à double complément d'objet en langues bantoues constituent un défi à la définition de l'objet. Ni les tests traditionnels ni les modèles génératifs ne sont à même de donner une explication exempte de contradictions. Convaincu que le vrai problème pour une analyse de la langue naturelle est de mettre en relation les arguments prédicatifs avec les syntagmes d'une construction, l'A. adopte la théorie de la différenciation argumentale, qui interprète ces constructions comme résultant de l'interaction entre les règles de l'ordre des mots, les règles de l'accord grammatical et les propriétés sémantiques inhérentes aux syntagmesItem The Upper Limit Constraint on Argument Structure.(1997) Rugemalira, Josephat M.Item Kiziwi, Kipofu na Kilema: Ubaguzi au Heshima?(1997) Mreta, Abel Y.The deaf, the blind and the lame: discrimination or respect?" In this article we investigate what the assigment of these (and other) words to the KI-class means We depart from the common explanation which says that the KI-class here signals contempt since it is not the typical class for human beings in SwahilL We then analyse the surprisingly large corpus of nouns referring to people in the KI-class and show how they got assigned to this class This leads us to a more general statement about the meaning of a noun class. The final sectionItem Linguistic and Socio-Cultural Aspects in Interlacustrine Bantu Names(1998) Muzale, Henry R. T.Although naming is a natural phenomenon in all human societies, there are differences not only in the process(es) used by different societies to assign names to people, things, animals, places, or natural and supernatural phenomena, but also in what these names tend to stand for. Whereas in some societies names are either arbitrarily picked up or inherited and bear very little, if any, semantic and sociocultural significance, in many Bantu societies and Interlacustrine groups in particular, names have synchronic meanings and are intended to play a certain role in social life. This paper analyses personal names from Interlacustrine languages spoken in East Africa between Lakes Victoria, Tanganyika and Albert. Since the linguistic area referred to is extensive, the paper draws specific examples from Ruhaya and Runyambo (Rutara languages) and Kinyarwanda and Kirundi (Western Highlands languages). The basic method applied is morphological analysis, whereby names are broken into functionally meaningful morphemes (attached to roots/stems) which help to decipher the meaning of the entire name. Then, by grouping names with related forms and/or meanings, the collective sense underlying the group is determined. As a result, the paper suggests a morphological model of classifying names.Item Gender Differences in School Performance: Evidence Form the National Form IV Examination Result and Implications for Poverty(1999) Katapa, R. S.; Swilla, Imani N.Item Chronogenetic Staging of Tense in Ruhaya(2000) Hewson, John; Nurse, Derek; Muzale, Henry R. T.The paradigm of tense and aspect contrasts in Ruhaya, an eastern Bantu language, shows considerable regularity, indication of an ordered system of contrasts. The examination of what appear to be anomalies in the system of contrasts leads to a refinement in the analysis: to the recognition of a tense system that is organised in two stages, based on a model proposed by Gustave Guillaume. Aspectual contrasts are prioritized at the first stage, tense contrasts at the second. Compound forms, which are typically combinations of Stage 2 + Stage 1 (in that order), are complex representations that are marked for both tense and aspect.Item Names in Chindali(2000) Swilla, Imani N.This paper explores naming practices among speakers of Chindali (a Bantu language), including the act of naming, the selection of names, their significance and uses, as well as the impact of sociocultural changes on naming. The author uses data from an ongoing study gathered in Ileje, Rungwe and Mbozi districts in Tanzania. Members of Chindali-speaking communities bear at least five types of names: childhood names and associated praise names, personal names, clan names and clan praise names. Grandparents play an important role in the choice and bestowal of childhood names. Clan names are prescribed: they are transmitted from generation to generation through sons and signal common descent. Parents select personal names for their children but the latter may select others later in life. Childhood, personal and clan names have meanings, mainly linked to the circumstances of birth, and convey cultural and social values. Contact with other languages - Kinyakyusa, English, Swahili - and the migration of Chindali speakers to Rungwe and Mbozi districts have had impacts on naming practices. Chindali speakers have borrowed foreign names and nativized them and speakers of other languages have modified Chindali names. Clan names and associated praise names generally appear resistant to some of these changes.Item Borrowing in Chindali(2000) Swilla, Imani N.Item Voluptuous Vacuous Vamps: Stereotyped Representation of Women in Kiswahili Press(2000) Swilla, Imani N.In Tanzania, the press is the second most accessible type of mass media after the radio, a key source of information and entertainment. Short stories in two Tanzanian daily newspapers published in the national language, Kiswahili, were analyzed to investigate how authors represented women. Readers and non-readers of newspapers were also interviewed. The content and linguistic analyses revealed that more than two thirds of the stories depicted women negatively, by using linguistic devices such as derogatory terms, metaphors, diminutive forms, compliments, self-incrimination and the assignment of talk-turns. Derogatory language and content in the stories reflect and perpetuate negative attitudes and beliefs about women in society, are counterproductive, and perpetuate low self-esteem in women. The press should become an agent of social change, towards gender parity and promote a gendersensitive representation of women.Item Private Education and Self-reliance in Tanzania(2001) Rugemalira, Josephat M.Item Nafasi ya Kiswahili katika Lugha ya Alama ya Tanzania(2001) Mreta, Abel Y.; Muzale, Henry R. T.Sign language in I anzania is a relatively new field of linguistics that is yet to atttact many researchers and linguists in particulru I anzanian Sign Language (TSL) functions as a unifYing tool for the deaf in the countiy and, probably, beyond. This language, which is still at its early stage of development, is used in the same linguistic environment with Kiswahili, the national language, which is more established The situation leaves TSL disadvantaged and is thus likely to cause a one-way linguistic influence, from Kiswahili to TSL This paper, therefore, examines the nature and impact of the situation Firstly, it focuses on the question ofwhether or not TSL is an independent language that has developed as a sepruate language, quite distinct fiom the spoken languages of the communities that swround it, especially Kiswahili. Secondly, it examines the extent to which Kiswahili has influenced TSl and thus the role that the former plays in leruning and developing the latter The results of the study show that Kiswahili has had some influence on TSL but the influence is mruginal at lexical level Of all the signs studied, only 13% were directly related to Kiswahili The majmity of the signs studied were found to be iconic in nature, but only 12% of all signs were semantically tianspru·ent Even in these cases where the signs rue tiansparent, the tiansparency of the signs is not based on one's knowledge of Kiswahili Most of the tianspru·ent signs are common gestures that any person of any ethnic migin can interpret The study has thus established that TSl is more of a sign language than signed language It is an indigenous African sign language, uruelated to the Western Sign Languages, except for the IIWflUal alphabet. Finally, the study predicts that much of the tianspru·ency and iconicity in TSL will gradually fade away as the language develops across time, space, and generations